February 14, 2009

Xe aka Blackwater

they say: Xe (pronounced Z)
we say:  Blackwater


In Shift, Blackwater Dumps Tarnished Brand Name
by: Mike Baker, The Associated Press

Raleigh, North Carolina - Blackwater Worldwide is still protecting U.S. diplomats in Iraq, but executives at the beleaguered security firm are taking their biggest step yet to put that work and the ugly reputation it earned the company behind them.

Blackwater said Friday it will no longer operate under the name that came to be known worldwide as a caustic moniker for private security, dropping the tarnished brand for a disarming and simple identity: Xe, which is pronounced like the letter "z."

It's a rare surrender for a company that cherished a brand name inspired by the dark-water swamps of northeastern North Carolina, one that survived another rebranding effort about a year ago, following a deadly shooting in Baghdad's Nisoor Square. The decision to give it up underscores how badly the Moyock-based company's brand was damaged by that incident and other security work in Iraq.

"They have established themselves as the bad guys," said Katy Helvenston, who sued the company following her son's death during a mission in Fallujah while working for Blackwater in 2004. "They've established such a horrible reputation. Why else would they change their name?"

Blackwater acknowledged last year in an interview with the The Associated Press the damage to its reputation had persuaded the company to focus on lines of business other than private security contracting.

The issue came to a head last month, when the State Department said it would not rehire Blackwater to protect its diplomats in Iraq after its current contract with the company expires in May. The company has one other major security contract, details of which are classified.

"It's not a direct result of a loss of (that) contract, but certainly that is an aspect of our work that we feel we were defined by," said spokeswoman Anne Tyrrell.

The company is also replacing its bear paw logo with a sleeker black-and-white graphic based on letters that make up the company's new name. In a note to employees, president Gary Jackson said the name change reflects the company's new focus, and he indicated Xe would not actively pursue new security business.

"This company will continue to provide personnel protective services for high-threat environments when needed by the U.S. government, but its primary mission will be operating our training facilities around the world," Jackson said.

It has expanded other businesses such as aviation support, recently building a fleet of 76 aircraft that it has deployed to such hotspots as West Africa and Afghanistan. The company got its start in training and continues to build up that business. Last year, some 25,000 civilians, law enforcement and military personnel attended a Blackwater class.

The company's changes aren't entirely voluntary. The 2007 shooting in Nisoor Square involving Blackwater guards left at least a dozen Iraqi civilians dead, infuriated politicians in Baghdad and Washington, triggered congressional hearings and increased calls that the company be banned from Iraq.

Late last year, prosecutors charged five of the company's contractors -- but not Blackwater itself -- with manslaughter and weapons violations. In January, Iraqi officials said they would not give the company a license to operate. The State Department responded by informing Blackwater it would not renew a contract that comprises a third of the company's nearly $1 billion in annual revenue.

"It would hurt us," company CEO Erik Prince said in an interview before losing the State Department deal. "It would not be a mortal blow, but it would hurt us."

Blackwater has rebranded before, introducing a new name -- Blackwater Worldwide -- and slight changes to its logo about a year ago. But Friday's announcement cuts ties entirely with a name created in 1997 when Prince and some of his former Navy SEAL colleagues launched the company.

Xe will cover the parent brand for the two-dozen subsidiaries, and none of those subsidiaries will retain the word "Blackwater" in their na

Illinois Rep. Jan Schakowsky, chair of the Intelligence Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations and a longtime Blackwater critic, said the new name won't change the fact that its actions have resulted in the deaths of innocent civilians.

"Blackwater's notorious reputation will outlast its name," she said.
-thanks to Truthout

Allison Des Forges


Dear Peacemakers,

With great sadness I am writing to inform the membership of the passing of local human rights activist Allison Des Forges. She was one of 50 passengers in Continental Flight 1047, which crashed in Clarence Center, NY on Feb. 12th. She worked for Human Rights Watch for 17 years and previous to that was a law professor in International Law at SUNY/Bflo.

Her work was extensive in Africa and she played a critical role in Rwanda's reconciliation. She was a deeply respected activist who will be missed by many.

Please keep her and her family in your thoughts and prayers.

In Peace,
Elea Mihou
Executive Director
WNY Peace Center



Human Rights Watch Mourns Loss of Alison Des Forges
Source: Human Rights Watch

(New York) - It is with enormous sadness that Human Rights Watch announces the death of our beloved colleague Dr. Alison Des Forges, who was killed in the crash of Flight 3407 from Newark to Buffalo on February 12, 2009. Des Forges, senior adviser to Human Rights Watch's Africa division for almost two decades, dedicated her life to working on Rwanda and was the world's leading expert on the 1994 Rwanda genocide and its aftermath.

"Alison's loss is a devastating blow not only to Human Rights Watch but also to the people of Rwanda and the Great Lakes region," said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. "She was truly wonderful, the epitome of the human rights activist - principled, dispassionate, committed to the truth and to using that truth to protect ordinary people. She was among the first to highlight the ethnic tensions that led to the genocide, and when it happened and the world stood by and watched, Alison did everything humanly possible to save people. Then she wrote the definitive account. There was no one who knew more and did more to document the genocide and to help bring the perpetrators to justice."

Des Forges, born in Schenectady, New York, in 1942, began working on Rwanda as a student and dedicated her life and work to understanding the country, to exposing the serial abuses suffered by its people and helping to bring about change. She was best known for her award-winning account of the genocide, "Leave None to Tell the Story," and won a MacArthur Award (the "Genius Grant") in 1999. She appeared as an expert witness in 11 trials for genocide at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, three trials in Belgium, and at trials in Switzerland, the Netherlands, and Canada. She also provided documents and other assistance in judicial proceedings involving genocide in four other national jurisdictions, including the United States.

Clear-eyed and even-handed, Des Forges made herself unpopular in Rwanda by insisting that the rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front forces, which defeated the genocidal regime, should also be held to account for their crimes, including the murder of 30,000 people during and just after the genocide. The Rwandan government banned her from the country in 2008 after Human Rights Watch published an extensive analysis of judicial reform there, drawing attention to problems of inappropriate prosecution and external influence on the judiciary that resulted in trials and verdicts that in several cases failed to conform to facts of the cases.

"She never forgot about the crimes committed by the Rwandan government's forces, and that was unpopular, especially in the United States and in Britain," said Roth. "She was really a thorn in everyone's side, and that's a testament to her integrity and sense of principle and commitment to the truth."

Des Forges was not only admired but loved by her colleagues, for her extraordinary commitment to human rights principles and her tremendous generosity as a mentor and friend.
"Alison was the rock within the Africa team, a fount of knowledge, but also a tremendous source of guidance and support to all of us," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "She was almost a mother to us all, unfailingly wise and reasonable, absolutely honest yet diplomatic. She never seemed to get stressed out, in spite of the extreme violence and horror she had to deal with daily. Alison felt the best way to make things better was to be relentlessly professional and scrupulously fair. She didn't sensationalize; her style was to let the victims speak for themselves."

Corinne Dufka, another colleague who worked closely with Des Forges, wrote: "She always found the time to listen and helped me see outside the box. Alison inspired me to be a better researcher, a better colleague, a more giving mentor and a more balanced human being. She was also funny - her sardonic sense of humor, usually accompanied with that sparkle in her eye, lightened our burden."

An historian by training, Des Forges wrote her PhD thesis on Rwanda and spent most of her adult life working on the Great Lakes region, despite an early stint in China with her husband, Roger, a professor of history and China expert at the University of Buffalo.

Des Forges graduated from Radcliffe College in 1964 and received her PhD from Yale in 1972. She began as a volunteer at Human Rights Watch, but was soon working full-time on Rwanda, trying to draw attention to the genocide she feared was looming. Eventually, Roth had to insist she take a salary. She co-chaired an international commission looking at the rise of ethnic violence in the region and published a report on the findings several months before the genocide. Once the violence began, Des Forges managed to convince diplomats in Kigali to move several Rwandans to safety, including the leading human rights activist Monique Mujawamariya.

As senior adviser to the Africa division at Human Rights Watch since the early 1990s, Des Forges oversaw all research work on the Great Lakes region, but also provided counsel to colleagues across the region and beyond. She also worked very closely with the International Justice Program because of all her involvement with the Rwanda tribunal.

"The office of the prosecutor relied on Alison as an expert witness to bring context and background and detailed knowledge of the genocide," Roth said. "Her expertise was sought again and again and again by national authorities on cases unfolding in their courts of individuals facing deportation, or on trial for alleged involvement in the genocide."
Most recently, Des Forges was working on a Human Rights Watch report about killings in eastern Congo.

Des Forges leaves a husband, a daughter, and a son, three grandchildren, a brother and a sister-in-law. The staff of Human Rights Watch expressed their deepest condolences to her family and friends.

If you would like to send a message of condolence, please email tribute@hrw.org
We are working to set up a web page to honor Alison Des Forges and her work. Please check http://www.hrw.org/ for details.


Leave None to Tell the Story is such an important work that HRW has continued to make it available in its entirety online. The 15th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide will be observed this spring and hopefully (although under such sad circumstances) more people will read this report.

February 13, 2009

Khullat Munir's Photos - Gaza display and sabotage

1300 small black flags were placed on the Arts Quad to mourn the massive loss of life in the recent Gaza offensive, representing both the Palestinian and Israeli deaths.

At 1:30pm on the first day of the display, the signs of the display were sabotaged and vandalized -- amounting to one of the most bigoted and disturbing actions seen on campus.




This morning the black flags lining the arts quad were taken by vandals
and made into a Star of David. Anyone wanting to help took the flags and we made a giant peace sign. The police & university are patrolling to make sure it is not removed or vandalized. Check it out as you walk by.


   


And while we're in Ithaca:

PeaceNow reaffirms support of Common Council for passing sanctuary resolution

Last month’s Ithaca Common Council meeting was interrupted for an hour by a shoe throwing incident in reaction to the Council’s signing of a resolution at the October 1 meeting designating Ithaca a Community of Sanctuary “thus respecting the rights of its residents to support lawfully and proactively military personnel and veterans who are organizing to stop the wars in and occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan.”

The Ithaca Journal published today a letter by John Hamilton of PeaceNow Ithaca which reaffirms the group’s support of Council. Click
here to go to the letter on the Ithaca Journal’s website and to leave your comment.


In light of recent actions, PeaceNow reaffirms our support of Common Council for passing the Sanctuary resolution. Council members acted to uphold their oaths under the Constitution and strengthen the consistent rule of law upon which all our freedoms depend.
There seems to be questions among Americans whether the U.N. Charter, which makes every war of aggression illegal, applies to the U.S. It does. Always. In 1945, the U.S. Senate ratified the U.N. Charter as a federal treaty by a vote of 89 to 2, and President Truman signed it. Under Article 6 Section 2 of the Constitution, treaties have the same legitimacy as the Constitution itself. When the U.S. invaded Iraq, our government abandoned the rule of law in the full light of day before the world. There is no legal wiggle room here: our invasion is a war crime, under the U.N. Charter and our own Constitution. Even more, given global challenges we human face - environmental, economic, etc. - our survival on this fragile planet, and our children’s future, depends on strengthening international agreements, not abandoning them. We thank Council for supporting the Constitution, the U.N. Charter, and helping build a more desirable future for all Earth’s children.

We recognize many Americans have questions about the U.N. Charter. Why did we agree to it? How do we deal with a dangerous world?

We will soon be holding a public forum to discuss the U.N. Charter as it applies to the U.S. We hope to see you there.

John Hamilton
Ithaca

Iraq War resister Cliff Cornell deported from Canada

By Courage to Resist and friends. 
[ Donate to Cliff's legal defense here ]
18 friends have contributed $650 as of February 12. Goal: $2,000


U.S. war resister Cliff Cornell surrendered himself to U.S. border police on February 4 after being ordered to leave Canada. He was promptly arrested for being AWOL from the U.S. Army, and taken to the Whatcom County Jail in Bellingham, Washington. During a vigil by local supporters the next day (photo below), Cliff was released! Upon release he was ordered to travel on his own to Fort Stewart, Georgia.  Cliff surrendered to the AWOL Apprehension Unit at Fort Stewart.



Cliff's civilian lawyer James Branum explained, "Cliff turned himself in at Ft. Stewart. He is in good spirits and is currently in a unit on post. He is restricted to post but is not otherwise under arrest at this time. We hope to know more from the Army in the next week or so on how they plan to handle this case."

The 28 year-old from Mountain Home, Arkansas refused to go to war because "it just didn't feel right," he told supporters at a 2005 rally in Canada soon after arriving. "I don't want to be killing innocent people." Cliff explains that he joined the Army only after repeated promises from the military recruiter that he could serve his country without being deployed to Iraq. Of course, that turned out to be a lie.

Cliff traveled to Canada four years ago after his Army artillery unit was ordered to Iraq.

Despite a popular outcry in Canada to provide sanctuary to U.S. soldiers who refuse to fight in illegal wars, Canada’s Conservative government is pressing ahead with deportations. Cliff had come to call British Columbia home. But he now faces an expected court martial at Fort Stewart, and possibly two years in an Army stockade.

“Cliff Cornell should not be going to jail,” said Gerry Condon, director of Project Safe Haven, a war resister advocacy group. “He had the guts to follow his conscience and obey international law. President Obama should grant amnesty to Cliff Cornell and all war resisters.”

Cliff is the third Iraq War resister to be forced out of Canada. Chris Taske also returned to United States a couple of weeks ago, but was not arrested at the border. Chris and his lawyer are making plans to surrender to the military soon. Last July, Robin Long became the first war resister to be deported from Canada since the Vietnam War. Robin is now serving a 15-month prison sentence at Miramar Naval Consolidated Brig near San Diego.



Letters for Cliff can be sent to:

Cliff Cornell
c/o Courage to Resist
484 Lake Park Ave #41
Oakland CA 94610.


We will forward these letters as soon as possible, and we'll post a direct mailing address for Cliff when one becomes available.

A defense fund for Cliff Cornell has been established by Courage to Resist, a war resister support group.
To donate:

February 12, 2009

States Push to Take Back National Guard

Maya Schenwar, t r u t h o u t | Report



 Some states are calling for a halt to National Guard deployments to Iraq.
 
Going on its seventh year, the Iraq war has taken its toll on not only the US military, but also on the states's National Guard units, which were called up when Congress passed the 2002 Authorization to Use Military Force (AUMF) against Iraq. Now a growing state-level movement is working to keep the Guard at home.

Its logic: The AUMF's goals have been fulfilled. The authorization's explicit purposes were to defend the US against the "threat posed by Iraq" and to enforce UN Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq's alleged ballistic missiles and weapons of mass destruction. Saddam Hussein - along with his supposed threat - is gone, and the UN resolutions are no longer relevant, so there's no longer a mandate to keep troops in Iraq.


The president can call up the states's Guard units in a time of war. But when the mandate for war becomes obsolete, say members of the Bring the Guard Home: It's the Law (BTGH) campaign, sending those troops overseas is illegal. BTGH members and their allies are now sponsoring a chain of bills and resolutions in states across the country, demanding an investigation into the legality of deploying the Guard to Iraq, and a refusal to comply with any illegal federal orders.

"There is not Congressional authorization for the use of the Guard today," Vermont State Rep. Mike Fisher told Truthout. "One Guard member improperly called into federal service to fight a war - that's a real problem. Choosing to go to war is one of the most serious decisions that we make. The very least we can do is follow the Constitution."

The state legislators involved in the campaign argue that it is their duty, along with the governor's, to ensure Guard members' welfare. Although a governor can't order the Guard's return, he or she does have the right to challenge federalization orders (mandates to call up the Guard) in the first place. Every month, another set of call-ups sends more Guard members overseas. Should a state decide to refuse a federalization order, the case would likely be brought to the courts.

"We believe that it would be a good thing for a court to be asked the question of whether a state Guard can be brought into federal service to fight in an overseas war - other than in an emergency - that does not have a proper Congressional authorization," Fisher said.

The campaign began back in 2007, after Fisher had written and passed a resolution in the Vermont legislature to urge the withdrawal of US military forces from Iraq. He wanted to intensify this state-level action against the war by asserting the war's illegality, and relating it back to Vermont law. So, Fisher joined with attorney Benson Scotch, formerly the executive director of Vermont's ACLU, to spearhead an effort that would both advocate for Vermont's Guard members and challenge the legal basis for continued US involvement in Iraq.

The effort is premised on the National Guard's dual chain of command. Usually, the governor is the commander in chief of a state's Guard. With Congressional authorization, the Guard can be called into federal service. However, since that Congressional authorization has expired for Iraq, control reverts back to the states - or at least it should, under the Constitution, according to Scotch and Fisher.

Regardless of legality, the federalization orders continue, with more Guard troops called up every month. The state Guards have seen some of their largest deployments since World War II. In New Jersey, for example, the planned deployment represents about 50 percent of the state's National Guard.

This transfer of the Guard out of state not only reduces its ability to respond to local emergencies, it also fuels a frightening shift in US foreign policy, according to Ben Manski, executive director of the nonprofit Liberty Tree Foundation.

"We're supposed to have a national defense that's based on the citizen soldier, and decentralized as a result," Manski told Truthout. "What the federal government has done, and what states have allowed it to do, is it has transformed the National Guard into the reserve for an expanded military and for a policy of empire building."

In the process, the federal executive branch has taken over many of the rights and responsibilities of both Congress and the states. The War Powers Act of 1973 states that the president can wage war only by Congressional authorization, unless the US is under attack. Now, since Congress's authorization is no longer applicable and troops remain in Iraq, the standard is being set for a very weak Congressional role in war powers, according to Scotch.

Under the current, Bush-conceived system, "Congress can start a war but cannot stop a war, or even impose enforceable limits to a war it authorizes," Scotch, who is now legal counsel to BTGH, told Truthout. "The president in today's US initiates, conducts, limits (or not) and ends wars (or not)."

The Guard legislation promoted by the BTGH campaign reasserts not only the states's power to refuse illegal Guard orders, but also calls attention to the fact that Congress should determine whether or not a war is allowed to continue.

At its heart, BTGH is a push to reverse the quiet ebbing away of the balance of powers that took place throughout the Bush administration. Now is the time to make sure the precedent of executive, federal domination doesn't become set in stone, according to Fisher.

"Article 1 of the Constitution gives Congress the power to declare war and Article 2 gives the president the power to be commander in chief, "Fisher said. "It seems our founding fathers intentionally delivered us this tension, because they understood the dangers of executive power. They also delivered us tension between the states and the federal government - they positioned a large part of the military in the states's control."

The Guard initiative also activates another "branch" of opinion that was neglected throughout the Bush administration: the American people. Since state-level legislation hits closer to home, and since state legislators interact with their constituents more regularly and on a more immediate level, the BTGH campaign intends to provide a new, effective outlet for citizens's voices.

"We had seven years that the most people thought they could do to change foreign policy was to march, to vote or to participate in direct action," Manski said. "At the state level, it's much easier for people to get involved in legislation."

For example, instead of writing letters to members of Congress, advocates for BTGH often request to speak directly with their state representatives or senators. National groups like Military Families Speak Out, Veterans for Peace and Peace Action have worked through their local chapters to communicate with legislators.

Grassroots efforts directly led to Wisconsin state Rep. Spencer Black's involvement in the campaign.

"The issue was brought to my attention by community activists," Black told Truthout. Wisconsin's version of the bill will be introduced in March.

As the new session of Congress gains speed, the Guard legislation is quickly moving forward. Versions of it have been introduced in 14 states, and eight more have active campaigns pushing for the bill's introduction.

In Oregon, bipartisan Guard legislation was introduced last week. Leah Bolger, vice president of Veterans for Peace, is hopeful that the upcoming deployment of 3,000 Oregon Guardsmen overseas will be halted and the case will be brought to the courts.

"Our hope for the campaign is that if just one state can get this legislation passed and stand up to these illegal federalizations of Guard troops, it will have a ripple effect across the country," Bolger told Truthout.

The legislation's sponsors firmly believe it is still relevant under the Obama administration. Bush not only left Obama with a foreign policy disaster to clean up, according to Fisher, he also left him a "legal mess." The state legislation is intended to redirect war powers back to their legal order.

"I have a great hope for Obama - I really believe he is many times better than Bush, in many ways," Fisher said. "But if it was illegal for Bush to demand the state Guard deploy to Iraq, it is for Obama as well. We can't let that precedent stand - that a president can federalize the Guard without Congressional approval."

In fact, according to Scotch, the ascendancy of a new president with "a humane ethic and a sound view of the Constitution" opens up new possibilities for the BTGH movement, just as it does for health care advocates, environmentalists and civil rights activists. Scotch hopes that Obama might become the first president to endorse the War Powers Act of 1973.

"The Bush years and the Iraq war experience teach us that the smart sharing of war powers is still the best response to an increasingly dangerous world," Scotch said.

-thanks to Truthout

Tell the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) to stop defending Avigdor Lieberman!

Abe Foxman of the Anti-Defamation League is defending one of Israel's most powerful far-right extremists and his plan to strip "unfaithful" citizens, mostly Arab Israelis, of their citizenship. The Anti-Defamation League is supposed to "secure justice and fair treatment to all." Instead, they are supporting a dangerous ideology that calls for taking citizenship away from Israelis for exercising their right to free speech.

How can we expect the ADL to effectively defend the rights of Jews when they so easily step on the rights of Arabs?

Avigdor Lieberman now heads Yisrael Beytenu, the third largest party in Israel, and is likely to be a minister in a new Israeli government.

On February 10, the Jewish Telegraphic Agency reported that Abe Foxman defended Lieberman's plan, despite the fact that "Some liberal Israeli and Jewish groups have condemned Lieberman as a fascist - the left-wing Meretz Party even compared him to the late far-right Austrian politician Joerg Haider - for his proposal to require Israeli Arab citizens to sign an oath of allegiance to the Jewish state." (1)

Instead of defending Lieberman, the ADL should be condemning him.

Why should the Anti-Defamation League condemn Lieberman?


Avigdor Lieberman led the drive in Israel's Central Election Committee to have Arab political parties banned from running in the most recent election, which passed successfully and was overturned only by the Israeli Supreme Court. (2)
He has called for the expulsion of Arab Members of the Knesset, threatening them that "a new administration will be established and then we will take care of you." (3)
He has called for Arab citizens of Israel to sign an "oath of loyalty" to the state or be stripped of their citizenship. (4)
His party has been very clear about what being "loyal" means: If you are an Arab student and dare come to school wearing a kefiyah, you are "disloyal." (5)
Lieberman's party said that if you are a Muslim Israeli and collect money and medicines for Gaza relief, you are "disloyal." (6)

If Lieberman's plan is put into place, if you do not meet his standards of loyalty, you lose all the rights of a citizen; you lose the right to vote; and you lose the right to have a political party or to run for office - that is, the right to participate in Israel's political process.

Is this what the ADL stands for?

It is ironic that the ADL understands as anti-Semitic the accusations of dual loyalty hurled against Jews in the US and elsewhere, but remains unconcerned about similar accusations against Arab Israelis.

Remind Abe Foxman that his organization was founded "to stop the defamation of the Jewish people and to secure justice and fair treatment to all" - and that all means all, including Arab Israelis.

Click here to sign the letter to Abe Foxman.

(1) Back in 2006, the ADL condemned Lieberman's call to execute Arab legislators. But today, Abe Foxman defends Lieberman's loyalty oath.
(http://jta.org/news/article/2009/02/10/1002906/controversial-lieberman-proposal-finds-support-among-american-jews)

(2) http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1054867.html

(3) http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/962767.html

(4) http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20090204/ap_on_re_mi_ea/ml_israel_hard_line_hero

(5) in Hebrew: http://beytenu.org.il/126/2596/article.html

(6) in Hebrew: http://beytenu.org.il/126/2345/article.html

February 11, 2009

Jeremy Hinzman Appeal Hearing Through a Campaigner's Eyes

This is a posting from Laura at We Move To Canada.  It is thorough and presents a clear picture of what happened at the hearing and what many resisters who speak out against the US policy in Iraq are facing when they refuse to participate in an illegal and immoral war.


2.11.2009
By popular demand (wink wink), here's my report on yesterday's hearing.

The first thing to note is that this was an appeal of the decision in the Hinzmans' Humanitarian and Compassionate application, not an appeal of their refugee claim.

When the Immigration and Refugee Board turns down a claim for refugee status, the claimant is allowed at least two more steps. The IRB conducts a Pre-removal Risk Assessment (PRRA), to which the applicant can submit any new evidence, and the applicant can file a Humanitarian and Compassionate (H&C) application.

The PRRA is done in case, between the time of the IRB's decision and when the claimant leaves Canada, the situation has changed and the claimant is now at greater risk. To get a positive decision on a PRRA, the claimant has to show s/he would be persecuted in his country of origin. Only new evidence that was not included in the original refugee claim is relevant. Very few PRRAs are successful.

However, in an H&C application, the claimant needs to show that there would be undue hardship to him and his family if they are forced to return. This is a lower threshold - hardship versus persecution - and the success rate is much higher.

The Hinzmans received negative decisions in both their PRRA and H&C application, and that's when the removal order went into effect. Alyssa Manning, the Hinzmans' lawyer, asked for a stay of deportation, and asked for leave to appeal. The court granted both, and this was the appeal.

[Also note, I refer to Alyssa Manning by her first name because I know her, not out of disrespect or sexism.]

* * * *

Alyssa first summarized her main arguments, then unpacked them for the court in masterful fashion. Justice James Russeell - who could be played by Liam Neeson in the movie - was attentive and engaged. As Alyssa referred to tabs and paragraphs in the various binders of documentary evidence, he would pick up his copy of the corresponding book, open to the page and read along. He asked questions that showed he was listening. I had a strong impression that he takes the gravity of his decision quite seriously.

Alyssa's main arguments, is brief, were:


the H&C officer did not accurately assess the hardship the Hinzmans will face if returned to the US;

resisters who speak out publicly against the war in Iraq have received differential treatment by the US military (which amounts to being punished for their moral, religious or political beliefs), and Jeremy falls under this category. This could not have been considered at the time of his original IRB hearing, since much of the differential treatment has happened since then;

the H&C officer did not fully address the best interests of the child, which is a central tenet of these decisions; and

the decision was unreasonable as a whole.

[I feel like I missed one... not sure.]

Alyssa's primary argument was that the H&C officer applied the wrong standard when assessing the application. She proved that the officer applied the standards of the PRRA - a much higher threshold - rather than the correct H&C standards.

In these decisions, the IRB officer writing the decision must elaborate her or his reasons; they can't just say "no". Throughout this H&C decision, the officer said that there is state protection available to the Hinzmans, and they can access that protection. State protection and the ability to access state protection are central issues in refugee claims: can the claimant's country of origin protect them, or do they need Canada's protection?

However, state protection is not the issue in an H&C. In an H&C, the applicant must show that they will be subject to "unusual, undeserved or disproportionate hardship" if forced to leave Canada.

So over and over and over, in example after example, Alyssa showed how the wrong standard was applied: state protection versus unusual, undeserved or disproportionate hardship. She proved beyond any doubt that the "form of analysis was conducted through the lens of protection," as she said, rather than through the lens of hardship.

For this part, I have two quotes in my notes. One of the case precedents Alyssa cited involved Mexico, and she said parenthetically, "...also a democracy, I would note...". That made me smile, since we're always hearing how the US is a democracy, therefore the war resisters can be sent back to face punishment.

Alyssa also told the judge, "It doesn't take a magnifying glass" to see that the "risk analysis applied was more appropriate to a PRRA...". I think we all smiled there. It was indeed very blatant.

In one particularly baffling bit of the H&C decision, the officer noted that Jeremy could apply for conscientious objector status after he gets back to the US! Alyssa pointed out that this has absolutely no bearing on anything. Even if it were true, and he was allowed to apply for CO status, it wouldn't be retroactive! (In case you don't know, Jeremy did try to apply for CO status, but was thwarted by the military, as are most applicants.)

When Alyssa outlined the differential treatment received by war resisters who have spoken out publicly against the war, she had four main categories of evidence.

A statement from attorney Eric Seitz, who represented Ehren Watada and is an expert on US military law. Seitz said that the military used to allow objectors to quietly fade away. However, since 2002, applicants for conscientious objector status and other AWOL soldiers who speak out publicly against the Iraq War have been subjected to severe punishment, as the military seeks to make an example out of them, attempting to deter other troops from doing the same.

A statement from war resister Christian Kjar, who left Canada to try to work things out with the military. Because he had spoken out publicly against the war, Christian was hazed and abused so severely that he jumped out of a two-story window in the middle of the night in order to go AWOL again, and came back to Canada.

A statement from war resister Augustin Aguayo, about how he was punished more severely than people who were AWOL much longer, because of his vocal and public opposition to the Iraq War. Aguayo said, among other things, "I have been stripped of the ability to provide for my family adequately." That's what a dishonourable discharge does.

The hate mail Jeremy Hinzman has received, threatening him with harm if he comes back to the US.

* * * *

The easiest and clearest parts of Alyssa's argument were how the H&C officer did not adequately assess the harm that would be done to Liam Hinzman, age 6, and to Nga Nguyen, Jeremy's spouse, if forced to return to the US. The best interests of the child is supposed to be a primary concern in these decisions, but the officer offered no analysis of that. This alone, Alyssa pointed out, means the decision is incomplete and inadequate.

The legal language of the H&C says the officer must be "alert, alive and sensitive to" the needs of children in these cases. If the Hinzmans are deported, Liam will be separated from his father, separated from his friends and attachments in the place he has called home for most of his life, and likely subjected to bullying from peers (and possbily adults) in the US.

And what does the IRB officer say to this? There is state protection available to Liam! As an aside, Alyssa pointed out that she is not aware of state protection against bullying, but more to the point, state protection is (again) the wrong standard, the standard of the PRRA, not the H&C.

The officer's suggestion that, if Liam is bullied, the Hinzmans can move him to a different school (more disruption) is hardly in the best interests of a child. In one elegant proof that the officer was not "alert, alive and sensitive to" the needs of the child, Alyssa quoted from the decision: the officer said Liam can keep in touch with people by phone and email. Hello? Liam is six years old.

Regarding Nga, "the female applicant," the officer said that she will have a choice whether or not to stay at home or go back into the workforce if Jeremy is incarcerated. That simply makes no sense, as Nga will be the sole caregiver to a nursing infant and a young child. Nga's circumstances were completely ignored, which alone, said Alyssa, makes the decision unreasonable.

* * * *

The best part was Alyssa's final argument, that the decision as a whole was unreasonable. For this, she unpacked name after name and story after story of soldiers who were given "differential treatment" - punished more harshly for speaking out publicly against the Iraq War: Kevin Benderman, Stephen Funk, Camillo Mejia, Ehren Watada, Augustin Aguayo, and testimony from Amnesty International, the director of Quaker House near Fort Bragg and more from Eric Seitz.

Kevin Benderman didn't even go AWOL - he only spoke against the war, while remaining active and following orders - and he was put in jail!

Austin Aguayo was gone from base only 24 days. A soldier isn't even officially AWOL until 30 days have passed. But during those 24 days, Aguayo spoke out loudly and publicly against the Iraq War, and they threw the book at him.

The director of Quaker House testified in his statement that "given the international notoriety that Jeremy's case has attracted it's hard to imagine that he won't be made an example of."

The H&C decision dismissed this evidence.

Amnesty International Canada has said that if Jeremy is returned to the US and incarcerated, the organization will consider him a prisoner of conscience.

The H&C decision dismissed this evidence.

Finally, Alyssa showed how the H&C decision failed to address why the Hinzmans came to Canada in the first place, as if that is irrelevant to why they cannot return.

* * * *

Then the Crown got up. And it was very quiet.

(For USians and others, "the Crown" is the equivalent of "the State" in the US - the prosecution.)

Lawyer Stephen Gold said the decision speaks for itself. He said the officer applied the correct standard, and was sensitive to the best interests of the child.

He offered no evidence of this. He didn't prove it. He just said it was done.

Gold said the argument that family separation is a hardship is "perverse," because the incarceration would be caused by the applicant's own actions. (In other words, if Jeremy hadn't broken a law, he wouldn't be put in jail, so it's his own fault.) Gold said "we live in strange times indeed" where testimony from Amnesty International could be considered relevant. (The assessments of groups like Amnesty and Human Rights Watch are regularly used by the IRB when determining the safety of a given country.)

In his pitiful attempt to prove that the H&C officer had done her job correctly, the Crown attorney actually referenced the US's even more pitiful "No Child Left Behind Law"! This supposedly shows that if Liam is bullied at one school, his mother can have him transferred to another. Very nice. A six-year-old boy will be removed from the only home he can remember, his father will be in prison for refusing to kill innocent people, and if he's harassed at school, his life can be disrupted further by being moved yet again to a new school, where the likelihood of being bullied again will be reduced by exactly nothing.

At one point the Judge asked the Crown to show how the H&C officer addressed Liam and Nga's potential hardship.

.

.

.

.

You could hear crickets chirping in the background.

Another campaigner later told me she imagined tumbleweeds rolling by.

The silence went on for so long, that the Judge stepped in to suggest a possible word.

I covered my mouth to make sure a guffaw didn't slip out.

* * * *

I hope that gives you a feel for the proceedings. Let's all note the very narrow legal grounds that Alyssa was able to argue. I hope with all my heart that the Hinzmans' appeal is successful and that they can file a new H&C application. But this is no way to fight this battle. We cannot continue to argue these cases one at a time, in painstaking, piecemeal fashion.

We need a political solution.

If you believe Canada should let US war resisters stay, make sure your MP knows. Make sure Stephen Harper, Michael Ignatieff, Jack Layton, Gilles Duceppe and Elizabeth May know. Tell your neighbours. Talk to your co-workers. Be part of the movement to make this right.

This is not just about Jeremy and Nga and Liam and Meghan, love them though we do. This is about what kind of Canada we want to live in.





Posted by L-girl at 2/11/2009 11:15:00 AM

February 10, 2009

The Hinzmans and supporters outside hearing

It was a beautiful day!

Thank you, Jeremy, for leading the way by being the first resister to go to Canada and speak out publicly against the war. You have given people here in the States and all over the world hope and encouragement. You have given soldiers something to think about and to strive for. Hopefully your appeal is successful and you eventually get to remain in Canada with your family.  I'm sure it's been a long five years.




Thank you to all the wonderful supporters. You are so strong and persistent. I was moved by the depth of your commitment to Jeremy and his family.

A special thanks to lawyer, Alyssa Manning (not shown). You are brilliant. 


February 9, 2009

Tomorrow, February 10, in Toronto: Jeremy Hinzman in Federal Court

A reminder: if you're in Toronto tomorrow morning, you can attend a morning vigil for war resister Jeremy Hinzman and his family. The federal court will be hearing Hinzman's appeal of the denial of his application to remain in Canada on Humanitarian and Compassionate grounds. I'll be there, and I'll also be attending the hearing.

When: Tuesday, February 10, 8:30 a.m.

Where: Outside the Federal Court, 180 Queen Street West (west of University, Osgoode subway)

Why: Because a majority of Canadians believe war resisters should be allowed to stay in Canada, because the Iraq War is illegal and immoral and Canada should support people who refused to participate in it, because Jeremy Hinzman is the father of two young children (including a Canadian citizen), because no one should go to prison for acting on his moral beliefs. Because we want Canada to be a refuge from militarism. Because it's the right thing to do.

Posted by L-girl at We Move To Canada


Activists take up war resister's case

Supporters rally for soldier in brig who refused to go to Iraq and had fled to Canada

By Steve Liewer   UNION-TRIBUNE STAFF WRITER

MIRAMAR — Antiwar activist Dawn O'Brien of Oceanside frets plenty about her three Marine sons, two of whom have served in Iraq.

She worries almost as much, though, about another young soldier – the one who is sitting in the brig at Miramar Marine Corps Air Station because he refused to fight.

Pvt. Robin Long, 25, enlisted in the Army in 2003. Ordered to Iraq in 2005, he fled to Canada. He was deported last year, the first to be sent home under a crackdown on the estimated 200 war resisters who have taken refuge north of the border.

After a court-martial last August, Long was sent to Miramar to serve his 15-month sentence. O'Brien and others in San Diego County's small but fervent community of peace protesters have taken up his cause.

“We knew this kid made a moral decision, and he was honestly being punished for it,” said O'Brien, president of the local chapter of the antiwar group Military Families Speak Out. “It's not illegal to refuse to fight in an illegal war.”

That many of the county's current and former service members may disagree doesn't deter them. Antiwar activists held their third monthly vigil yesterday evening across Miramar Road from the air station's north gate, carrying signs that say “Free Robin Long” and “REALLY Support the Troops.”

“We've been trying to figure out ways that we can help him out,” said Dave Patterson, president of the San Diego chapter of Veterans for Peace.

Miramar officials say the vigils haven't caused disruption.

“They're exercising their rights,” said Maj. Jay Delarosa, a base spokesman. “We don't see anything wrong with it.”

The activists have taken turns visiting Long each Sunday afternoon. They have put money in his prison bank account so he can call family and supporters. They are flying his mother in from Boise, Idaho, this weekend to visit.

They also send money each month to his girlfriend in Canada, who has multiple sclerosis and is raising the couple's 2-year-old son. And they are lobbying to have his sentence reduced and his dishonorable discharge erased. Unless his prison term is cut, Long will have great difficulty crossing the border after his release.

Long grew up in a military household, and eagerly joined the Army. He has said he grew disillusioned after hearing Iraq war veterans brag about killing people and seeing them show off pictures of dead Iraqis.

He questioned the war's legitimacy after learning that Saddam Hussein had no apparent connection with al-Qaeda and that no weapons of mass destruction had been found. So he left for Canada instead of returning to Fort Carson before his unit's deployment.

“When I realized the war in Iraq was a mistake, I saw refusing to fight as my only option,” Long wrote in November in an open letter to Barack Obama published on the Web site of the war-resistance support group, Courage to Resist. “My conscience was screaming at me not to participate.”

Long traveled to Nelson, British Columbia, where he supported himself picking fruit and running an environmentally friendly landscaping business. His application for refugee status was denied, and he was ordered deported.

His attorney, James Branum, said Long rises each morning at 5 and works as a supply clerk at the brig. In the evenings, he lifts weights four nights a week and watches TV or plays cards. He has received more than 3,500 letters since arriving at Miramar in September.

After his release, Branum said, Long's goal is to return to his family in Canada and become a massage therapist.

Even after Long is released later this year, local antiwar activists, like Chuck Winant of Vietnam Veterans Against the War, are preparing for more resisters to come to Miramar.

Canadian immigration officials have ordered four more deserters deported. The reception has been quite different than it was during the Vietnam War, when Canada welcomed tens of thousands of American draft evaders.

“I stand firmly with those soldiers who say the hell with this war,” Winant said.

Steve Liewer: (619) 498-6632; steve.liewer@uniontrib.com